william leuchtenburg political views

Some have concluded that the final report was, in the words of one historian, “a major salvo in the assault on Richard Milhous Nixon,” for it suggested how much more monstrous were Nixon’s deeds than those of his predecessors, as indeed they were. Surely William E. Leuchtenburg, author of ''The Perils of Prosperity'' and perhaps the preeminent scholar of the New Deal, will not object to being described as the Grand Old Man of American history. With startling swiftness, the field grew large enough to make possible the birth of a National Council on Public History, two new professional journals, and, at the University of California at Santa Barbara, an undergraduate major in the history of public policy. restatement of the liberal view on the decline of progressivism can be found in William Leuchtenburg's The Perils of Prosperity.6 This view of the progressive period remained dominant among American historians through the Second World War. Most history textbooks don't pay attention to midterm elections, and yet they are sometimes when a new era of politics begins. 1948-2003. Implicit in these developments has been an assumption about what role the historical guild should perform. The historical account provided in Leuchtenburg’s book illustrates the political dynamics and struggles that have challenged the executive branch and how the public views the role of the President. Beard boasted that they had “consistently subordinated the past to the present” in keeping with their “ever-conscious aim to enable the reader to catch up with his own times; to read intelligently the foreign news in the morning paper; to know what was the attitude of Leo XIII toward the social democrats even if he has forgotten that of Innocent III toward the Albigenses.”The emphasis on applicable history has also taken a second form: advocacy of direct attempts by historians to shape public policy. I unequivocally agree. Indeed, it is precisely those who have been most involved in public affairs who have been most resistant to such attempts. So compelling did political concerns seem to me when I was young that for a time I abandoned graduate studies to pursue them. Wielders of power, Otis Graham has pointed out, do not ignore history—indeed, they are historians of a sort themselves, though “quite poor ones”—but they are intent on “using the past mostly to reinforce bias and strengthen advocacy positions.” As the 1966 midterm elections approached, I was asked by the Johnson White House to prepare a memo drawing comparisons to the 1942 off-year contest, and I complied with a document pointing to the vulnerability of the administration so long as it persisted in the Vietnam War. William Leuchtenburg talked about the political career and presidential tenure of Herbert Hoover. The best example would be that textbooks spend a lot of time on the McKinley against William Jennings Bryant race in 1896, but the big shift to a new Republican era actually comes in the midterm election of 1894. Otis L. Graham, Jr., “The Uses and Misuses of History: Roles in Policymaking,” Public Historian, 5 (Spring 1983): 7; personal communication, William E. Leuchtenburg to Hayes Redmon, May 1966; Washington Post, July 20, 1984. During the Vietnam War, petitions published in the The past generation has seen, too, the burgeoning field of public history come into its own. By the time the United States intervened in World War I, it seemed altogether natural for John Franklin Jameson to organize a National Board for Historical Research, put together lectures on history for delivery at army training camps, and place the World War II opened further opportunities for historians. Above all, we should take care not to create an atmosphere in the classroom in which views that diverge from our own cannot freely be voiced, and we should respect the rights of others in the profession to express beliefs contrary to our own or to remain silent.The intellectual, Charles Frankel wrote, “may and should take sides in the political struggles of his time, but there is likely to be an edge of irony or regret in his attitude when he does so.” It seems inevitable that historians will always feel this tension—“caught,” in Hofstadter’s words, “between their desire to count in the world and their desire to understand it.” Their “passion for understanding” moves them toward “detachment” and “neutrality,” but “the terrible urgency of our political problems ... plays upon ... their desire to get out of history some lessons that will be of use in the world.” For my own part, I would commend the message Emerson left us in his celebrated Phi Beta Kappa oration, “The American Scholar”—that “action is with the scholar subordinate, but it is essential,” and that “there can be no scholar without the heroic mind.”The author is grateful to Allan Brandt, Alan Brinkley, Jean Anne Leuchtenburg, and Edwin M. Yoder, Jr., for insightful comments and is appreciative of materials sent to him by Leon Fink, Otis L. Graham, Jr., Michael Hunt, Robert Kelley, J. Morgan Kousser, David E. Kyvig, Peyton McCrary, Page Putnam Miller, and Raymond Wolters.10.

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